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Публикации

The Impact of WTO Membership: A Comparative Analysis of China, Russia and Ukraine

Комплексный анализ социально-экономических последствий вступления Китая, Украины и России в ВТО по различным отраслям экономики позволил выработать рекомендации для наиболее успешной адаптации России к нормам ВТО. Акцент сделан на опыте Китая. Практика его участия в ВТО крайне полезна для России с позиций позитивного влияния  на развитие экономики страны, когда с одной стороны, идет расширение промышленного и производственного секторов экономики, продвижение товаров на мировых рынках, а с другой, есть возможность использовать правовые инструменты ВТО для защиты национального внутреннего рынка.

Положительный опыт участия в ВТО Китая несколько контрастирует с приведенным опытом Украины. Оценка многовекторной  политики Украины и ее ассоциирование с ЕС позволила сделать вывод о невозможности этой страны идти одновременно по пути и евразийской  и европейской интеграции. 

Обострившееся в последнее время торгово-экономическое и политическое противоборство России с американскими и европейскими партнерами подталкивает к кардинальному изменению государственной экономической стратегии. Определить направления таких трансформаций поможет постижение как положительного, так и отрицательного опыта продвижения в мировое экономическое пространство давних торговых партнеров России – Китая и Украины. 

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Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

Выборы глав российских регионов: роль конфликтов губернатора с региональными элитами в исходе голосования

В электоральных автократиях выборы не являются инструментом обеспечения   ротации элит, а напротив, призваны легитимировать право автократа на власть через   процедуру голосования. Субнациональные автократии России функционируют по похожей   логике. Поддержка ключевых элит (в том числе и тех, кто напрямую не участвует в   избирательной кампании) обеспечивает эффективную работу политических машин,   отвечающих за мобилизацию избирателей, и лояльность этих элит губернатору может   оказываться значимой для обеспечения высоких результатов голосования. В данной работе   проверяется теория о том, что, идя на выборы, региональные автократы должны заручиться   поддержкой ключевых элит для получения наиболее высокого собственного электорального   результата и явки, легитимирующих их право на власть. Основываясь на работах   исследователей, изучавших региональные политические режимы России, мы выделяем   ключевые региональные элиты на муниципальном и региональном уровнях и используя   иерархическую линейную модель на эмпирической базе в 43 региона (в которых прошли   выборы глав регионов в 2012-2014 гг.) и 1402 муниципальных образования мы показываем,   что несмотря на то что конфликты губернатора с элитами в разной степени снижают его   результат и явку – по-настоящему влиятельным является конфликт только с мэром столицы   региона. Он снижает результат инкумбента максимум на 16 процентных пунктов и явку – на   15 процентных пунктов, что является существенным и крайне важным для губернатора,   стремящегося доказать свою легитимность через демонстрацию собственной высокой   поддержки со стороны населения при высоком интересе избирателей к самой процедуре   голосования – высокой явке. Полученный результат является робастным, т.е. устойчивым к   различного рода выбросам. Выводы данной работы предоставляют дополнительное   эмпирическое свидетельство о превалирующей значимости неформальной конкуренции по   сравнению с формальной в электоральных автократиях.

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Сироткина Е. В., Карандашова С. А.
Полис. Политические исследования. 2018.
15 мая 2017

Biopolitics, Borders, and Refugee Camps: Exercising Sovereign Power Over Nonmembers of the State

This article addresses the relationship between the concepts of national identity and biopolitics by examining a border-transit camp for repatriates, refugees and asylum seekers in Germany. Current studies of detention spaces for migrants have drawn heavily on Agamben’s reflection on the “camp” and “homo-sacer”, where the camp is analyzed as a space in permanent state of exception, in which the government exercises sovereign power over the refugee as the ultimate biopolitical subject. But what groups of people can end up at a camp, and does the government treat all groups in the same way? This article examines the German camp for repatriates, refugees and asylum seekers as a space where the state’s borders are demarcated and controlled through practices of bureaucratic and narrative differentiation between various groups of people. The author uses the concept of detention space to draw a theoretical link between national identity and biopolitics, and demonstrates how the sovereign’s practices of control and differentiation at the camp construct German national identity through defining “nonmembers” of the state. The study draws on ethnographic fieldwork at the German border transit camp Friedland and on a discourse analysis of texts produced at the camp or for the camp.

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Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity. 2017. Vol. 45. No. 1. P. 41-60.

Capital Cities: Varieties and Patterns of Development and Relocation

The issue of capital city relocation is a topic of debate for more than forty countries around the world. In this first book to discuss the issue, Vadim Rossman offers an in-depth analysis of the subject, highlighting the global trends and the key factors that motivate different countries to consider such projects, analyzing the outcomes and drawing lessons from recent capital city transfers worldwide for governments and policy-makers.

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L.; NY: Routledge/Taylor & Francis, 2017.

Collective Learning and Regime Dynamics under Uncertainty: Labour Reform and the Way to Autocracy in Russia

The article questions the structural approach to autocratic transition that sees government as knowingly and purposely building autocracy, and contributes to the tradition emphasizing the plurality of possible regime developments and the role of contingency therein, by providing a more systematic treatment of such contingency. We offer a path-dependent theory of political change and use insights from cognitive institutionalism to show how ad hoc policy reform practices become accepted as a trusted way of interaction by political actors and how they “learn” their way into autocracy. This intuition is substantiated with a case-study of the labour reform in Putin’s Russia. The early 2000s marked a surge in uncertainty in Russian politics caused by the succession crisis and the profound political turnover it triggered. This uncertainty could have resolved in a number of ways, each leading to a different political development. We trace the actual way out of this uncertainty and show that the major factor to condition further regime trajectory was the way social reforms were conducted. The course of these reforms determined the ruling coalition and the institutions that ensure credible commitment within its ranks (the dominant party), and contributed to crowding out the political market and opposition decay.

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Democratization. 2017. Vol. 24. No. 3. P. 481-497.
2 сентября 2016

Democracy in the Russian Far East during the Revolution of 1905–1907

The First Russian Revolution demonstrated that there was considerable interest in democracy in the Transbaikal, Amur, and Maritime Regions in 1905–1907, which was widely shared across the empire and in East Asia. Democracy was understood as economic welfare, social justice, civil liberties, popular representation, decentralization, and national self-determination. Like elsewhere in the empire, protests started with economic demands, but many trade and professional political unions, strike committees, and soviets developed political programs. In Vladivostok, unrests among soldiers and sailors erupted into major riots with numerous casualties in October 1905, despite the attempts of Military Doctor Mikhail Aleksandrovich Kudrzhinskii and other intellectuals to make the movement peaceful. In Blagoveshchensk, the Amur Cossack teacher Mikhail Nikitich Astaf’ev joined a group of intellectuals who attempted to turn the municipal duma into a provisional government. In Nikolsk-Ussuriysky, Doctor Nikolai Vasil’evich Kirilov presided over the founding congress of the Ussuri Peasant Union, which discussed the introduction of rural revolutionary self-government. In Chita, Social Democrats under Anton Antonovich Kostiushko-Voliuzhanich took over much of the Transbaikal Railway. Tsyben Zhamtsarano and other Buryat intellectuals assembled for congresses demanding indigenous self-government. The recognition of these territories as the Russian Far East had already begun, but the loosely united Transbaikal, Maritime, and Amur Regions remained part of Siberia or North Asia for contemporary observers. The unity of Siberia from the Urals to the Pacific was reinforced by Siberian Regionalism which attracted the support of regional liberals and moderate socialists and consolidated through joint activities of Siberian deputies.

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Russian History. 2017.

How do social beliefs affect political action motivation? The cases of Russia and Ukraine

 

 

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Gulevich O., Sarieva I., Nevryuev A. N. et al.
Group Processes and Intergroup Relations. 2017.
13 декабря 2016

Making the Korean nation in the Russian Far East, 1863–1926

Exploring the history of Koreans in the Russian Far East from the perspective of New Imperial History, the article demonstrated that political activism of Koreans and policies of the Russian (Soviet), Korean, and Japanese governments resulted in consolidation of two visions of their future. The first vision implied unity between the Koreans living in the Russian Far East with those who stayed in Korea, moved to Japan, or emigrated elsewhere and corresponded to the agenda of building a Korean nation. The second vision implied that the bilingual or Russified Koreans aspired to stay in the Russian Far East permanently, ensuring their own livelihood in the new regional frontier. The two currents interlaced in the project of Korean autonomy in a post-imperial state, first the Far Eastern Republic (FER) and later the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). The project involved inclusion of Koreans into the global spread of revolution through the Communist International and left the issue of the duration of Korean presence in the Russian Far East opened. Its ultimate failure in 1926 left the Koreans partly excluded from the Soviet system without the institutional benefits of a national autonomy.

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Sablin I., Kuchinsky A.
Nationalities Papers. 2017.

Nationalist mobilization in the Russian Far East during the closing phase of the Civil War

Three major factions in the Russian Civil War in the Far East engaged in nationalist mobilization coming up with different rhetorical tropes and images in the 1920-1922 period. The ultra-royalist faction led by Mikhail Konstantinovich Diterikhs, which in 1922 controlled the Provisional Priamur Government in Vladivostok, portrayed the Romanovs as redeemers who had ended the “dark age” of the Time of Troubles (1598–1613) and called for a new Zemskii Sobor to elect a Romanov Tsar for the sake of new redemption from the “foreign” Bolsheviks. The socialist faction of the Far Eastern Republic (FER), taken over by the Bolsheviks, focused on the grievances caused by the Romanovs’ policies and the clashes with Japan and stressed the future role of the Russians as the first nation of workers toilers to lead the global struggle for social justice. The popular monarchist faction, established by Grigorii Mikhailovich Semenov, tried to find a middle ground by emphasising the popular role in ending the Time of Troubles and agitating for an elected muzhik Tsar. The ultra-royalist and monarchist rhetoric failed to mobilize the people of the Far East who did not identify with the Eurocentric images of the past and rebuked the cooperation between the monarchists and Japan. The socialist claims that the Romanovs and the Japanese accounted for the degraded present proved more relevant in view of the regional historical narrative featuring a series of conflicts with East Asian states, while the economic rather than racial interpretation of the Japanese policies and the inclusive character of socialism did not alienate ethnic minorities from the socialist faction.

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Вестник Санкт-Петербургского университета. Серия 2. История. 2017. Vol. 62. No. 1. P. 18-25.

Power, Attraction and Reference in the Macro-Level Social Relations: “Closed Group” and “Closed Society” (on the psychology of the “Soviet” and the post-Soviet” person)

In this paper, the features of the social relationship systems are analyzed basing on the materials of the socio-psychological empirical study conducted at two stages (from 2002 to 2014). The empirical data obtained in 2002 comprised 417 participants of different ages from Nizhny Novgorod region provincial towns. The elderly respondents have lived almost all their lives under the Soviet regime; the middle-aged respondents got their education and started careers in the USSR. The main objective of the research was to synthesize the individual systems of social relations, the personal notions of power in particular, to compare the finding between the Soviet and the post-Soviet samples, and to make sense of the discovered differences. Empirical data was obtained with the help of Kelly’s Repertory grid technique designed with the purpose to retrieve the interviewee’s personal ideas about the surrounding world and people without imposing any existing conceptions of social reality.    Pertovsky’s three-factor interpersonal relationships model and the concept of the "closed society" make the ground for the theoretical hypothesis we are trying to test. The results for the respondents of different ages, and correspondingly, with different experiences of living in the USSR, are analyzed in terms of the features typical of the closed group. Both the closed societies and the closed groups are characterized by the rigid hierarchical social structure and depersonalization of the social relations and thus the Soviet society can be regarded as closed due to its authoritarian and collectivist nature. We argue that the members of the closed groups and the citizens of the closed society have similar social relationships matrixes and reveal the ways in which the post-Soviet society derived some of its attributes from the "closed society" of the former USSR. Both samples demonstrate the rejection and the mistrust of the powerful, influential figures, however the gradual changes in the understanding of social structure is underway.

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Radina N., Koskina M.
Psychology in Russia: State of the Art. 2017. No. 1. P. 117-129.
22 декабря 2016

State and Political Discourse in Russia

After decades of dominant Marxism-Leninism, the post-Soviet Russian political space offers a multiplicity of discourses associated with the contemprary state and its various organs - such as the party, the presidential administration, the burocracies and media - or with the different places of ideological production revealing plurality and fluidity within Russian political languages and evoking many of the neo-conservativist ideological constructs promoted by the Kremlin. The apparent demise of Russian notions of Liberalism, its polymorphism, the influence of the Soviet experience, perestroika, the effects of the turbulent 1990s, in addiction to the effect of Western thought and foreign policies on Russia's liberal ideas and expectations, determine the role of the remaining institutions and actors that promote political , economic, and constitutional liberalism and manifest an alternative discourse that, although weakened, is still credible.

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Kramer M., Barabashev Alexey, Barbashin A. et al.
Rome: Reset-Dialogues on Civilizations, 2017.
29 марта 2017

The Revolutionary Socialists in Post-"Arab Spring" Egypt

Along with the rise of Political Islam in recent years, has come a relative resurrection of Left movements in Arab states. During the late twentieth and early twenty-firstt centuries, communist parties were restored in Lebanon, Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Palestine and Jordan. A number of newly founded Left parties emerged all over the region, including some with a revolutionary Trotskyist ideology. These movements have not been much studied. Academic disregard of Trotskyism is due primarily to the fact that it has been relatively weak in the region. Alexander (1991: 602) points out two main reasons. First, restrictions were posed by Arab authoritarian regimes on most such parties and groups. Second, Trotskyism initially lacked the international support enjoyed by other Marxist movements. In the Soviet Union there was an official ban on Trotskyism. At the same time, West European socialists were generally put off by the Trotskyists’ strict interpretations of what constituted socialism. Trotskyist organizations began to emerge in the Middle East after World War II, but it was not till the late 1970s, 1980s and particularly 1990s that they entered the political arena. The Lebanese Revolutionary Communist Group (RCG) was the most substantial party in the Arab area in 1970s (Alexander 1991: 602). Later, other similar groups were established in Algeria (Socialist Workers Party), Egypt (Revolutionary Socialists [RS]), and Palestine and Israel (Socialist Struggle Movement). All of them remained illegal till recently and appeared to have little impact on Arab politics. From the early 2000s, Egypt has witnessed a series of mass protests and labor demonstrations which were regarded by some scholars as a rehearsal for the “Arab Spring” (Beinin 2012; Fadaee 2016: 115; Darwisheh 2015: 112). Unlike most protests of the past century, which were primarily led byIslamists, these post-2000 actions were organized by a “countervailing force [that] grew up in the form of the Trotskyite Revolutionary Socialist Party” (Cole 2015: 72). In one example that Cole describes as “one of the largest and most threatening in recent Egyptian history” (73), 17,000 night-shift workers downed tools in a textile plant, signaling the weakening of working-class deference to management. Through activities like these, according to Fadaee, RS became one of the leading forces in the labor movement; in effect, they were “building trust among the working classes and revolutionary youth groups leading to the mass protests” (Fedaee 2016: 115). Such recognition of Trotskyist activism in Egypt in 2000s raises natural questions. If RS played such a pivotal role in labor activism of that time, then, where are they now? What was their role in the mass protests of the “Arab Spring”? And what are their prospects in al-Sisi’s Egypt? This article addresses these questions by tracing RS’s development from its establishment through to the present. It also attempts to demonstrate that the outburst of RS activity in 2000s was not incidental and that it still influences RS’s course in post-“Arab Spring” Egypt.

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Socialism and Democracy. 2017. Vol. 31. No. 1. P. 125-143.
2 февраля 2017